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Passage 8 (Equality of opportunity in the twentieth Century Has Not Destroyed the Class System)
These days we hear a lot of nonsense about the ‘great classless society'. The idea that the twentieth century is the age of the common man has become one of the great clichés of our time. The same old arguments are put forward in evidence. Here are some of them: monarchy as a system of government has been completely discredited. The monarchies that survive have been deprived of all political power. Inherited wealth has been savagely reduced by taxation and, in time, the great fortunes will disappear altogether. In a number of countries the victory has been complete. The people rule; the great millennium has become a political reality. But has it? Close examination doesn't bear out the claim.
It is a fallacy to suppose that all men are equal and that society will be leveled out if you provide everybody with the same educational opportunities. (It is debatable whether you can ever provide everyone with the same educational opportunities, but that is another question.) The fact is that nature dispenses brains and ability with a total disregard for the principle of equality. The old rules of the jungle, ‘survival of the fittest', and ‘might is right' are still with us. The spread of education has destroyed the old class system and created a new one. Rewards are based on merit. For ‘aristocracy' read ‘meritocracy'; in other respects, society remains unaltered: the class system is rigidly maintained.
Genuine ability, animal cunning, skill, the knack of seizing opportunities, all bring material rewards. And what is the first thing people do when they become rich? They use their wealth to secure the best possible opportunities for their children, to give them ‘a good start in life'. For all the lip service we pay to the idea of equality, we do not consider this wrong in the western world. Private schools which offer unfair advantages over state schools are not banned because one of the principles in a democracy is that people should be free to choose how they will educate their children. In this way, the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent: an able child from a wealthy home can succeed far more rapidly than his poorer counterpart. Wealth is also used indiscriminately to further political ends. It would be almost impossible to become the leader of a democracy without massive financial backing. Money is as powerful a weapon as ever it was.
In societies wholly dedicated to the principle of social equality, privileged private education is forbidden. But even here people are rewarded according to their abilities. In fact, so great is the need for skilled workers that the least able may be neglected. Bright children are carefully and expensively trained to become future rulers. In the end, all political ideologies boil down to the same thing: class divisions persist whether you are ruled by a feudal king or an educated peasant.
1. What is the main idea of this passage?
[A] Equality of opportunity in the twentieth century has not destroyed the class system.
[B] Equality means money.
[C] There is no such society as classless society.
[D] Nature can't give you a classless society.
2. According to the author, the same educational opportunities can't get rid of inequality because ___________
[A] the principle ‘survival of the fittest' exists.
[B] Nature ignores equality in dispensing brains and ability.
[C] Material rewards are for genuine ability.
[D] People have the freedom how to educate their children.
3. Who can obtain more rapid success ___________
[A] those with wealth.
[B] Those with the best brains.
[C] Those with the best opportunities.
[D] Those who have the ability to catch at opportunities.
4. Why does the author say the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent? Because ___________
[A] money decides everything.
[B] Private schools offer advantages over state schools.
[C] People are free to choose the way of educating their children.
[D] Wealth is used for political ends.
5. According to the author, class divisions' refers to ___________
[A] the rich and the poor.
[B] Different opportunities for people.
[C] Oppressor and the oppressed.
[D] Genius and stupidity.
Vocabulary
1. discredit 損害，破壞，敗壞(某人的名聲)，不可信
2. monarch 國王，女皇，君主政體
3. millennium 千年
the millennium 千僖年
4. bear out 證實(shí)
5. level out (升跌之后)呈平穩狀態(tài)
6. meritocracy 英才管理，英才教育，能人統治
7. knack 技巧，訣竅
8. perpetuate 使永久，永存或持續
9. indiscriminate 不加鑒別的，不加分析的，任意的
10. boil down 歸結為……
難句譯注
1. Close examination doesn't bear out the claim.
【參考譯文】深入探索證實(shí)此斷言不確。(也就是說(shuō)太平盛世并沒(méi)有成為政治現實(shí))。
2. might is right
諺語(yǔ)：強權即公理。
3. For all the lip service we pay to the idea of equality, we do not consider this wrong in the western world.
【結構簡(jiǎn)析】lip-service口惠而實(shí)不至。EX: He pays lip-service to feminism but his wife still does all the housework.他口口聲聲說(shuō)支持女權主義，但全部家務(wù)仍是他妻子的事。
【參考譯文】我們口口聲聲贊揚平等思想，我們在西方世界中并不認為這一思想事錯誤的。
4. In the end, all political ideologies boil down to the same thing: class divisions persist whether you are ruled by a feudal king or an educated person.
【參考譯文】最終，一切政治意識，都歸結為一件事：不論你是由封建國王統治還是英才統治，階級區分依然存在。
寫(xiě)作方法與文章大意
這是一篇對“無(wú)階級社會(huì )和人人平等”論點(diǎn)的駁斥文章。作者從四個(gè)方面進(jìn)行論述。1、天賦的才能和智慧與平等原則無(wú)關(guān)。2、“適者生存，強權即公理”依然存在。3、人獲得的報酬是取決于人的才能而不是平等。4、金錢(qián)的作用，它不僅可以培育有能力的人，還是政治的后盾。只有金錢(qián)加能力是成功的關(guān)鍵。所以所謂平等不存在，更沒(méi)有無(wú)階級的社會(huì )。
答案詳解
1. A
二十世紀平等的機遇并沒(méi)有摧毀階級。文章一開(kāi)始就對無(wú)階級社會(huì )的論點(diǎn)進(jìn)行了反駁：有人認為君主整體已完全摧毀，幸存下來(lái)的王公貴族已經(jīng)被剝奪了一切政治權力，繼承的財產(chǎn)為稅收大幅度的削減，到時(shí)候，巨大的財富將消失殆盡，在許多國家中，已全面勝利，人民進(jìn)行統治，偉大的太平盛世已成為政治顯示。作者認為：深入檢查證實(shí)這一斷言不實(shí)。第二段提出了即使人人都獲同樣的受教育的機會(huì )，可人的天然智慧和能力與平等原則無(wú)關(guān)，適者生存，強權即公理依然存在。教育的普及摧毀了老的階級體制，卻創(chuàng )造新的，報酬是機遇才干成就。貴族統治就是英才統治，可在其他方面，社會(huì )依然，階級確實(shí)存在。后面兩段集中論述了金錢(qián)的作用。
B.金錢(qián)意味著(zhù)平等是錯誤的。C.不存在無(wú)階級社會(huì )。內容是對的，但不是本文的主題思想。D.自然界不會(huì )賦予你一個(gè)無(wú)階級社會(huì )。
2. B
自然界在分賦人智慧和能力是不會(huì )顧及平等。
A.適者生存的原則存在。根據這一原則無(wú)智慧和能力者難以生存于社會(huì )。C.物質(zhì)報償是根據人的真正能力。D.人們有自由選擇如何教育自己的孩子。這三項都基于一點(diǎn)――人的智慧和能力。有智慧能力才能生存，才能獲報償，這已經(jīng)是不平等，即使獲同樣的受教育的'機會(huì )，也不可能鏟除不平等。
3. A
有錢(qián)的人。第三段一開(kāi)始就點(diǎn)明：真正的能力、動(dòng)物般機敏狡猾、技能、善抓機會(huì )的訣竅，這一切都帶來(lái)物質(zhì)報償。有了錢(qián)的人首要作的事情就是給孩子最佳教育機會(huì )，而私人學(xué)校教育優(yōu)于公立學(xué)校，人們又有自由選擇如何教育自己的孩子。在這個(gè)意義上，英才教育在某種程度上是永存的。一個(gè)來(lái)自富有家庭的有能力的孩子要比其對立面獲得成功要快得多得多。
B.具有很高智慧的人，若沒(méi)有錢(qián)是難以成功的。第三段的最后一句話(huà)也點(diǎn)明這一點(diǎn)，金錢(qián)同從前一樣是強有力的武器。文章最后一段即使在完全遵循社會(huì )平等原則的社會(huì )里，禁止特權的私人教育，人們也是按能力獲報酬。小心翼翼而又耗費巨大地把聰明的孩子培養成未來(lái)的統治者。C.具有最佳機遇的人。D.是B和C的結合。
4. A。
金錢(qián)決定一切。新的英才教育在一定程度上永存。沒(méi)有錢(qián)，上不起私立學(xué)校，談不上機會(huì )，更不用說(shuō)英才教育。有了錢(qián)才能為孩子創(chuàng )造機會(huì )。
B.私立學(xué)校提供的優(yōu)越性高于公立學(xué)校。C.人們有自由選擇教育孩子的方式方法。D.財富用于政治目的。第三段最后三句話(huà)：“財富也可以不加區別地用于更遠的政治目的。沒(méi)有強大的財政作后盾，成為民主國家的元首幾乎是不可能。金錢(qián)和過(guò)去一樣是強有力的武器，這也說(shuō)明了金錢(qián)的力量，決定一切。”
5. A。
富人和窮人�？v然作者提及，同樣的教育機會(huì )也不可能鏟除不平等，因為上天賦予人之智慧是不可能考慮平等原則，可是作者也提到適者生存、強權即公理。貴族政治可讀成英才教育。這已說(shuō)明英才指的是貴族的英才。第四段進(jìn)一步指出有錢(qián)的人首先要做的就是給子女一個(gè)良好的教育機會(huì )。而私立學(xué)校的教育質(zhì)量?jì)?yōu)于公立學(xué)校。有錢(qián)人家的有能力的孩子成功機遇就高。財產(chǎn)還可用于政治目的，要成為民主國家的領(lǐng)袖就得有雄厚的財力支持。錢(qián)財和過(guò)去一樣強有力。即使在以社會(huì )平等為原則的社會(huì )中，私立學(xué)校被禁，酬勞還是以人的能力為準，大量需要有技能的工作人員，而差勁的人沒(méi)有人關(guān)注。天才的孩子予以仔細而又及其昂貴的培養以成為未來(lái)的統治者。
總之，政治意識歸結為同一個(gè)東西――階級劃分存在，不論你是為封建帝王統治，還是為受過(guò)教育的農民統治，從這里看，作者的class division指的是A項。
B.人們不同的機遇。C.壓迫者和被壓迫者。D.天才和笨蛋。
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